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We are living in an urban age. More and more people move into cities and questions about how newcomers -especiallyinternational migrants -alter the social fabric of cities are high on the agenda. This has been the case since the early days of urban studies with the Chicago School introducing ideas about where in the city we would find different groups of migrants. The concept of segregationof the spatial concentration of migrants in particular neighbourhoodsremains a contemporary concern.
Research on how changes in migration flows change diversity patterns now often moves beyond
ethnic group based explanationsand considers what role a diversificationof diversity plays. More migration-related variables are considered in these studies but a migrant neighbourhood remains one where we find a high share of people with a migration background. Yet, the dynamics of change introduced by different numbers of people moving into differently diverse neighbourhoodsis rarely considered by research. Thisis despite the fact that the importance of negotiating difference and how this can work well and less well finds a mention in most contemporary research on the topic.
What is the role of having new people more or less frequently in one’sneighbourhoodfor those
practices of negotiating difference thus often remains outside of the purview -but as I try to show with this poster there isa case for paying more attention to local differences in diversity dynamics. I startby looking at data about the city of Kassel and with asking how the share of people with a migration background in the different electoral districts(quite small areas in terms of the number of inhabitants) relatesto shares of people who are 'new' in those districts.
Wither with multiplicity Visual representations of
Diversity Dynamics
in Kassel (the DOCUMENTA City)
Reference year 2014
20 %
15 %
10 %
5 %
0 %
25 %
50 %
75 %
90 %
20%
15%
10%
5%
0%
25%
50%
75%
90%
Shareof newarrivals allmoved from abroad
Share withmigrationbackgroundGermandefinition Not all migrant neighbourhoods are also arrival neighbourhoods
20 %
15 %
10 %
5 %
0 %
25 %
50 %
75 %
90 %
01 Mitte
02 Suedstadt
03 Vorderer Westen
04 Wehlheiden
05 Bad Wilhelmshoehe
06 Brasselsberg
07 Suesterfeld / Helleboehn
08 Harleshausen
09 Kirchditmold
10 Rothenditmold
13 Fasanenhof
14 Wesertor
16 Bettenhausen
17 Forstfeld
18 Waldau
19 Niederzwehren
20 Oberzwehren
21 Nordshausen
22 Jungfernkopf
23 Unterneustadt
The magnitude of newness differs within administrative neighbourhoods
Rate of unemployment (in the adminstrative neighbourhoods)
0-5%
5-10%
10-15%
more than 15%
We are living in an urban age. More and more people move into cities and questions about how newcomers - especially international migrants - alter the social fabric of cities are high on the agenda. This has been the case since the early days of urban studies with the Chicago School introducing ideas about where in the city we would find different groups of migrants. The concept of segregation of the spatial concentration of migrants in particular neighbourhoods remains a contemporary concern. Research on how changes in migration flows change diversity patterns now often moves beyond ethnic group based explanations and considers what role a diversification of diversity plays. More migration-related variables are considered in these studies but a migrant neighbourhood remains one where we find a high share of people with a migration background. Yet, the dynamics of change introduced by different numbers of people moving into differently diverse neighbourhoods is rarely considered by research. This is despite the fact that the importance of negotiating difference and how this can work well and less well finds a mention in most contemporary research on the topic.What is the role of having new people more or less frequently in one’s neighbourhood for those practices of negotiating difference thus often remains outside of the purview - but as I try to show with this poster there is a case for paying more attention to local differences in diversity dynamics. I start by looking at data about the city of Kassel and with asking how the shares of people with a migration background living in the different electoral districts (quite small areas in terms of the number of inhabitants) relates to shares of people who are 'new' in those districts.